After twelve years in exile, our colleague, human rights lawyer and ECCHR Legal Advisor Joumana Seif, was able to return to Syria for the first time in December 2024. She reopened her former offices and founded the Riad Seif Human Rights Foundation, which trains young lawyers in human rights work. Every day, she witnesses the consequences of the social upheaval brought about by the fall of the Assad regime.

In her Letters from Damascus, she reports regularly on what she observes, experiences, and finds moving. She documents political negotiation processes and shares her personal perspective on post-Assad Syria—from calls for justice and ongoing violence to the nascent process of coming to terms with the crimes committed. Subscribe to our "Letter from Damascus".

The attack that took place on 2 July at a café near the Palace of Justice in Damascus claimed the lives of nine people and injured 28 others, most of whom were lawyers. A few days later, on 7 July, two successive explosions, occurred during the state visit of French President Emmanuel Macron to Damascus. The blast took place less than 30 meters from our office, only minutes after my colleague and I had passed through the same location. The explosion left us and our neighbours deeply shaken and fearful. I am not exaggerating when I say that my senses remain on constant alert. My heart still races whenever I pass through that same place every day.

Incidents as these highlight a broader reality: since the fall of the Assad regime, the new Syrian authorities have achieved notable and rapid progress in the field of foreign policy. However, these achievements have yet been to translate into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary citizens domestically. On the contrary, people continue to face growing challenges in their daily lives, particularly in relation to living conditions, the economy, and security.

Economically, living conditions have deteriorated significantly in recent months. State subsidies on bread and fuel have been removed, while electricity prices have increased several times over, reaching levels that now consume more than half of an average employee’s salary. Rising energy and fuel costs have triggered a dramatic increase in the prices of all goods, further burdening citizens who are already struggling. The numerous protests held by Syrians in the streets of Damascus and several other cities have so far failed to convince the government to reduce energy prices or restore subsidies on bread.

Today, Damascus is a city of stark contrasts: upscale restaurants line the capital’s wealthiest streets, large luxury vehicles navigate overcrowded streets, where beggars, children, elderly people, and war-injured individuals struggle to get by. During the summer season, the cost of a single night in a four-star hotel can equal three times the monthly salary of one of the hotel employees working there. Housing prices and costs of protein-rich and storable food items, such as meat and canned goods, are comparable to current prices in Berlin, despite the vast difference in income levels and available services.

Post-war reconstruction efforts in the suburbs of Damascus that were heavily devastated by the Assad regime remains at a standstill. In the absence of broader reconstruction efforts, residents rely on individual and community-led initiatives to repair damaged homes and make them habitable again. So far, what mainly continues to attract investors is the construction of high-rise towers and luxurious residential compounds, offering comprehensive leisure services behind gates at extremely high prices. These projects do not meet the requirements of inclusive and socially responsible development; rather, they risk widening social inequalities and contributing to the erosion of the middle class.

Two weeks ago, after a delay of more than nine months, the People's Assembly held its inaugural session on July 12, 2026. As Syria’s new parliament, it is expected to draft a new constitution, pass legislation, approve the state budget, and exercise oversight over the government – at least in theory. In practice, however, the experience of the past year and a half suggest that these powers remain largely nominal. During its first session, the Assembly elected a Speaker, two Deputy Speakers (including one woman), and a Secretary after resolving disagreements between some of its members and the executive authority over the procedures for electing its leadership.

The Assembly convened after President Ahmed al-Sharaa announced the 70 members he had directly appointed to complete its composition. Under the Constitutional Declaration, the President exercises broad authority over the People's Assembly’s formation through a two-stage process: first, the selection of the members of the High Committee responsible for overseeing the selection of two-thirds of the Assembly’s members through a limited quasi-electoral process; and second, the direct appointment of the remaining one-third.

The Constitutional Declaration also adopted a presidential system of governance, eliminating the position of Prime Minister and assigning all executive powers and functions to the President of the Republic. As for the judiciary, the structure of the Supreme Judicial Council remained unchanged from the Assad-era system. Under this framework, the President of the Republic continues to chair the Supreme Judicial Council, with the Minister of Justice serving as deputy chair, while all other members are appointed by the executive authority. The President was also granted the power to appoint all members of the Supreme Constitutional Court, whose role was limited to providing advisory opinions upon the request of the President.

In summary, Syria currently has a single centralized authority represented by the executive branch under the President Ahmed al-Sharaa, with other institutions – including the People's Assembly, the judiciary, and the Constitutional Court – deriving their authority from it. At the same time, the legislative and judicial branches lack effective powers to oversee, hold accountable, or check the executive authority.

Against this backdrop, each new political development has further polarized the divisions among Syrian society, especially as restrictions on political activity and the formation of political parties continue. Some view these measures as necessary to navigate the country’s transitional period and linked political and economic challenges. Others believe that Syria is drifting in the wrong direction, toward a new form of authoritarianism, undermining the very aspirations and sacrifices made in pursuit of freedom, justice, and dignity.

The formation of the "People's Assembly" has sparked extensive public debate, generating dozens of hours of televised discussions and thousands of social media posts, and they continue to do so. Supporters argue that the Assembly will operate independently, exercise its full mandate, and effectively fulfil its responsibilities. Critics, however, strongly object, believing that the Assembly will merely function as a scapegoat for future failures while lacking the authority to bring about meaningful reform.

The main objections to the process of selecting the Assembly members can be summarized in three key points:

1. Lack of transparency

The selection process lacked clear and transparent criteria, raising concerns about whether the Assembly includes the expertise needed to draft Syria’s future constitutional and legal framework. This expertise should cover areas such as constitutional law, legislation and legal drafting, education and scientific research, strategic planning, trade unions, civil society, and other technical fields.

2. Insufficient representation of women

Women make up only 21 of the 210 Assembly members (around 10%), despite earlier assurances that gender representation would be improved. The outcome was widely criticised by women’s rights advocates, who viewed it as a sign of continued political marginalisation. On 2 July, the Aleppo Women Activists’ Gathering organized a peaceful protest in Aleppo University Square to express their strong opposition to the exclusion of women in the appointments to the People's Assembly.

3. Conflicts of interest

Seven members of the High Elections Committee were included in the President’s list of appointees to the People's Assembly, raising concerns regarding compliance with standards of independence and impartiality.

Syria remains in the midst of a defining moment in its history. I firmly believe that building a state founded on the rule of law and strong institutions is a shared responsibility; one that every Syrian can contribute to their circumstances and abilities. My hope for my beloved country, Syria, is a future defined by greater justice, stability, and prosperity. Despite the immense challenges that lie ahead of us, we remain sustained by hope.

With warm wishes,

Joumana Seif

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